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Canada’s journalism industry is bleeding out
You’re probably sick and tired of reading about the sorry state of Canada’s media industry, and I promise I’m tired of writing about it. But after the latest developments, from the squabbling over Bill C-18 to the latest newspaper industry mega-merger, I can’t help but circle back around. After all, if we don’t get this right, or even if we get it mostly wrong, a lot of other key issues are going to go sideways in a hurry. And make no mistake: there are plenty of folks out there rooting for that very outcome.
In Ernest Hemingway’s 1926 novel The Sun Also Rises, one of the characters is asked how he went bankrupt. “Two ways,” he answers. “Gradually, then suddenly.” The same could be said of Canadian media right now, which has pretty clearly entered the “suddenly” phase of its long decline. It was just last week’s newsletter, after all, where I suggested that after Bell Media’s massive cuts to its radio and television operations the “next domino to fall, it seems clear, is Postmedia.”
Now, it’s falling. As the Globe and Mail’s Simon Houpt reported, the company is in talks with the owners of the Toronto Star to merge the two operations, a deal that would consolidate all the city newspapers left in this country under one corporate entity. “The two companies would share operating control of the new entity,” the Globe’s Andrew Willis and Joe Castaldo reported, “while existing Postmedia shareholders would own a 56-per-cent economic interest and Nordstar — owner of about 70 titles — holding a 44-per-cent stake. Nordstar, controlled by entrepreneur Jordan Bitove, would retain a 65-per-cent stake in the Toronto Star, which would become a separate company.”
In theory, such a merger would have to be approved by the Competition Bureau, which could reject it on any number of grounds. But if it ultimately rubber-stamped a deal between Rogers and Shaw Communications, two highly profitable telecom companies that already operate in a transparently oligopolistic industry, it seems unlikely that it would block a deal between two dying media companies.
There is, I acknowledge, a certain logic to the deal. Despite increasingly generous government subsidies, both companies are still hemorrhaging cash, with Postmedia alone losing $36.7 million over the first six months of 2023 (after losing $26.5 million over the same period in 2022). It may well be the case that with the ongoing decline in both readership and advertising revenue (thanks to tech giants like Meta and Google), most cities in Canada can no longer support more than one newspaper. It’s not even clear that some can do that.
What is clear by now, though, is that the federal government’s ongoing attempts to staunch the bleeding aren’t working. Keeping the incumbents on life support is a good way to slow their decline, but it does nothing to treat the underlying illness, much less provide a cure. As Paul Wells said in his Substack newsletter, “I certainly don’t think the remedy for our ills is to support absolutely any harebrained policy that would put the largest and oldest news organizations on life support. Surely by now it’s becoming obvious that such policies are futile.”
This isn’t to suggest the federal government shouldn’t support journalism. Now, more than ever, we need government intervention to address a pretty clear market failure, one that threatens to leave Canadians less informed and more prone than ever to falling into echo chambers. We saw the impact of that during COVID-19, when conspiracy theories and disinformation flourished online, and that will only get worse if the digital truth vacuum gets even bigger.
But supplying more bags of blood to a patient who keeps bleeding out isn’t a real solution. We need to reckon with the fact that the economic model that used to sustain the business of journalism — advertising, and specifically classified advertising — is never coming back. And as Wells wrote, “I’m not sure we’d go back if we could. It can’t be replicated with simplistic policy Band-Aids. And if our leaders were honest with themselves, they would admit they wouldn’t go back if they could.”
As to the reader-funded journalism Globe columnist Andrew Coyne suggested the media must embrace, there’s clearly a space for it (one that Canada’s National Observer occupies, in part). The problem with Coyne’s argument is that this space is always going to be constrained by our relatively small population and proximity to the American cultural machine. As I’ve said before, the absence of scale or meaningful cultural boundaries makes Canada (well, English Canada) the most challenging media market in the world right now. That’s not about to change any time soon — if ever.
The declining level of trust that Canadians have in the news, and their renewed reluctance to pay for it, won’t help here. According to a new report from the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism at the University of Oxford, the percentage of Canadians who pay for online news dropped from 15 per cent to 11 per cent in 2022. “This is the first decline since 2016, when Canadian data was first collected, and the lowest result since 2019,” academics Sébastien Charlton and Colette Brin wrote.
A strategic reinvestment in the CBC, refocusing the corporation away from things like opinion and entertainment and towards more resource-intensive news gathering and investigative journalism, still makes heaps of sense to me. If there was ever a moment for a major strategic repositioning, it’s right now — especially with a potential Prime Minister Poilievre lurking on the horizon.
A bigger government investment in digital media operations, ones that meet some basic standards of journalism (looking at you, Rebel Media), seems equally obvious. There are plenty of levers available, from tax credits to direct subsidies, that could support the flourishing of a wide range of operations and organizations that actually meet today’s needs rather than simply sustaining yesterday’s choices.
It should also use the ongoing negotiations with social media giants over Bill C-18, its Online News Act, to tilt the table towards the future rather than the past. As it stands, as much as 75 per cent of its estimated $320 million in revenue would go to giants like Bell Media, Rogers Communications and the CBC. Instead they should be trying the reverse and sending the majority of revenue collected to publications and ventures that were created with the 21st century (and its dominant means of communication, the internet) in mind.
But whatever it does, it needs to do something big — and fast. A merger between Postmedia and the Toronto Star might slow the demise and diminishment of each, but they’re both still stuck on the same road to oblivion. If we want our democracy to be informed by facts and data rather than conspiracy theories and digital memes, we need to invest some of our shared resources in some new ideas and opportunities. Yes, the cost may be high. But the cost of doing nothing here is much, much higher.
Alberta’s COVID retribution tour has only just begun
Given Danielle Smith’s dubious track record with the truth, it shouldn’t come as much of a surprise when she says one thing and then does another. But the un-hiring of Dr. Deena Hinshaw by Alberta Health Services, one that came to light after a CBC investigation, makes it clear her obsession with COVID-19 is not, as she promised during the recent election, a thing of the past.
Hinshaw’s shabby treatment makes it abundantly clear, if it wasn’t already, that there are still scores from the pandemic left to settle. If you’re a doctor or public health official who embraced things like vaccines, masking and other protective measures, you’re probably looking over your shoulder right now. And if you’re one from another province thinking of coming to Alberta for work, you might want to reconsider your options.
Smith isn’t done relitigating the pandemic, either. Her decision in February to appoint Preston Manning to chair the Public Health Emergencies Governance Review Panel ensures there will be plenty of other opportunities for recrimination and revisionist history in the future. He already offered a sneak preview of the bias he’ll bring to the table with his “hypothetical COVID commission” that I wrote about earlier this year.
It would be nice if Smith could actually leave the “dark days” of the pandemic in the past, as she promised during the election, and actually focus on governing the province. But as a key member of the small but stubborn group of Canadians who refuse to let it go, she seems destined to spend the rest of her life filtering reality through the prism of her own pandemic experience. If nothing else, she’ll continue to govern that way, given the power the Take Back Alberta group holds over her party — and, therefore, her own status as its leader.
That will, of course, distract her government from the more pressing challenges it faces, from rebuilding trust in (and within) the health-care system to managing the ongoing energy transition. It will ultimately hurt the very people she was elected to serve. But in Smith’s Alberta, the COVID-19 pandemic is a shadow we can’t seem to escape.
How solar power saved the Texas grid
Texas is in the midst of another brutal heat wave, one that has pushed temperatures up near 120 degrees Fahrenheit (48 C) and tested the limits of its electricity grid. If it fails, of course, that could mean millions of people would lose access to air conditioning and refrigeration, with almost certainly lethal consequences. The saviour, so far? Solar power.
Oil and gas may still be king down there, but Texas has been building out solar and wind power over the last few years at a pace that would impress the most climate-conscious Californian. Indeed, it added approximately 4.4 gigawatts of solar capacity just since last summer, and that may have helped stave off a catastrophe over the last week.
As Rice University professor Dan Cohan told Scientific American, “That made the difference between simply needing a voluntary conservation call and what would have been emergency conditions without those solar farms and blackouts.” And while solar’s output was peaking during the heat wave, fossil fuel plants powered by coal and nuclear were tripping offline right when they were needed most.
This won’t get most of the state’s Republican legislators to back down from their ongoing efforts to suppress new solar and wind investment that just happen to be bankrolled by the oil and gas industry. But it might just get enough of them to think twice about their attempt to throw sand in the gears of their state’s renewable power industry, one that may have just saved an awful lot of lives.
The Wrap
The Maxed Out podcast may have wrapped for the summer, but I had time to join my colleague David McKie over on Hot Politics for a conversation about Canadian politics and where it goes from here. There’s also a new podcast project I’m working on — one whose details I can’t share yet but will when they’re available. Here’s a hint: it builds on the mission I started with Maxed Out.
On the column front, I wrote about how Canada’s toxic housing market could soon colour our view of immigration and diversity — especially with some conservatives more than ready to weaponize the misery of young Canadians and renters against it. The Trudeau Liberals continue to sleepwalk around this issue, and I worry it could start to come at the cost of our greatest advantage as a country.
I also covered Olivia Chow’s win in the Toronto mayoral byelection and what it could mean for the city I used to call home. Toronto’s been in a quiet tailspin for years, and every time I visit I’m reminded that the messy-but-functional city I used to love is increasingly a thing of the past. Whether she can resurrect that version of Toronto, and help solve some of its increasingly huge problems, remains an open question — but I like her chances a lot more than I did John Tory’s or Rob Ford’s.
And, of course, I remain focused on the energy transition and how it continues to colour our political conversations in both Alberta and Canada. With the federal emissions cap and clean electricity standard coming soon, there are going to be some major (and, in all likelihood, majorly dumb) fireworks. Stay tuned.
As always, you can reach me on the Twitter machine (@maxfawcett) or by email at [email protected].