Skip to main content

Climate activists need a new mantra: Build, baby, build

Climate action used to be about resistance. Now, if the energy transition is going to survive Trump and Poilievre, it needs to be about building. Photo by Gustavo Fring via Pexels

The climate movement in North America has been very good at preventing things from getting built over the last few decades, whether it’s oil and gas pipelines, LNG terminals, or other forms of energy infrastructure. But now, if it wants to protect the progress it’s made from politicians like Donald Trump and Pierre Poilievre, it needs to trade in its pickets and placards for something even more revolutionary: a pro-growth economic agenda. 

That’s because for all of the scientifically justified calls for more urgent climate action, the issue keeps feeling less urgent for many Canadians by the day. As Abacus Data CEO David Coletto noted on social media, only 16 per cent of Canadians under the age of 44 rated climate change as one of their top three issues. The rising cost of living, housing affordability, and the economy all received at least double that level of support. 

This does make a certain amount of sense. Even if you believe that climate change poses an existential threat to humanity, as I’m sure many of the younger survey respondents do, it still has to take a back seat to more immediate material concerns. If you can’t afford your rent, much less a down payment on a home, the longer-term impacts of climate change just aren’t going to feel that pressing. 

Climate advocates and their political backers need to reckon with this reality. They also have to reckon with the political landscape that returned Donald Trump to power and seems poised to give Poilievre the biggest mandate Conservatives in Canada have enjoyed in more than 40 years. Unless and until climate policy becomes economic policy, one that reduces costs rather than raising them, it’s unlikely that any of this will change for the better. That means climate-concerned progressives have to embrace building — and reducing the obstacles that stand in the way of it — in a way they never have before. 

That’s not just my prescription. In an op-ed for the New York Times, Arnab Datta, a director at the Institute for Progress and managing director at Employ America, makes a compelling case for why climate advocates in America need to learn the language of jobs and growth. “When decarbonization becomes good business,” he writes, “it becomes harder to dismantle climate progress.”

That means supporting the elimination of regulatory red tape that can slow the construction of clean energy projects and refusing to support the sort of environmental NIMBYism that tries to kill them outright. It means broadening the coalition of people who benefit from clean energy development to include those who might not necessarily otherwise support climate action, whether that’s farmers with land that can generate more revenue for them or those concerned about national security who will back the mineral projects needed to supply domestic battery factories. 

Above all — and as I’ve argued for years — it means focusing our energies more deliberately on increasing the demand for renewable technologies rather than suppressing the supply of fossil fuels. “Attempts to punish the fossil fuel industry by limiting leases or permits for export facilities or blocking projects often backfire, creating price spikes with political backlash and price crashes that slow the clean energy transition,” Datta writes. In a global oil market where OPEC is deliberately holding back millions of barrels per day in spare capacity, and can return them in the face of any supply shortage elsewhere, expending political capital in order to constrain Canadian oil production is like lighting money on fire. 

It will be tempting, especially in the face of a probable Poilievre government, to allocate more political capital to efforts aimed at keeping Canada’s oil and gas “in the ground.” This sort of resistance may not necessarily be futile for the organizations pushing it, but it is plainly self-defeating for climate-concerned progressives as a whole. Instead, they — we — must focus on a vision of clean energy abundance, one in which Canada can and should play a meaningful role. 

As Matt Yglesias noted on his Slow Boring Substack, this won’t be an easy pivot for some climate activists to make. After spending years of their professional lives learning how to fight against development, they will need to start fighting for it. They will need to campaign against regulatory restrictions rather than support them, and embrace the economic and political upside associated with energy abundance. 

Climate action has long been associated with preventing things from getting built — and raising the cost of energy in the process. Now, its supporters need to switch gears in a big way.

Yes, the moral purity associated with refusing to entertain economic concerns might be irresistible for some in the climate community, but it’s clearly not a path to lasting political success. Instead, as Yglesias argues, progressives have to start treating energy as “an actual cornerstone of economic well-being” rather than just a source of potential jobs. “Energy policy, more than anything else, makes the idea of a GOP that is simultaneously working class and pro-business seem plausible, because abundant energy really is good for workers and business alike.”

This might also explain Poilievre’s unusual appeal among working class voters in Canada, especially when his politics are contrasted against the federal NDP’s almost allergic reaction to ideas like economic growth and energy production. “The path to lasting climate progress lies not in oil and gas antagonism,” Datta writes, “but in transforming our opponents into stakeholders in a clean energy future.” If progressives want to turn climate change back into a winning issue, that work has to start now. 

Comments