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The uncomfortable truth about Alberta’s emissions cap 

Brian Jean stands with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith after being sworn into cabinet as Jobs, Economy and Northern Development minister in Edmonton, Monday, Oct. 24, 2022. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jason Franson

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Truth and honesty are rare commodities in politics, and even more so when an election is in the offing. But when it comes to the pledges from the oil and gas industry to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, senior members of Alberta’s United Conservative Party government are in the process of offering up a long-overdue confession: they don’t believe a word they’re saying.

Brian Jean, the minister of Jobs, Economy and Northern Development (and the former leader of the Wildrose Party) admitted as much when he tried to attack NDP Leader Rachel Notley for comments she made on a recent podcast. “I do think that, you know, it’s possible to get to a cap that is very ambitious, that we can get to that’s not super far away from that federal [Trudeau Liberal] cap,” she told David Herle. Said cap is on emissions, not the production of oil and gas. But Jean conflated the two, telling the Western Standard: “Rachel Notley let it slip. She wants to impose a production cap on Alberta’s energy industry and kill countless energy jobs.”

She doesn’t, of course. What she wants to do is implement a cap on oil and gas emissions that’s less ambitious than the federal government’s plan but still takes the industry and its promises about emission reductions efforts at their word. An emissions cap isn’t some sort of affront to Alberta’s oil and gas companies, after all — it’s merely a codification of their own stated objectives that they insist they’re dead serious about achieving.

In fairness, there are credible arguments against the implementation of an emissions cap. Politically, it threatens to further divide the country and amplify grievances in Alberta and Saskatchewan that are already being aggressively mined by conservative politicians and pundits out here. And as University of Calgary economist Trevor Tombe has argued, the use of an emissions cap might jeopardize the legal standing of the federal government’s existing carbon price — and further undermine its position with the general public. “If we can lower emissions without a tax,” Tombe says, “the argument may go, why have one at all?”

But this is a long, long way from the conversation UCP politicians are trying to have with Alberta voters. By pretending that any effort to curtail emissions is a de-facto cut in production, they’re effectively saying that they have zero faith in the industry’s ability to do what it’s been promising (in paid advertisements, no less) for years now. For a party that prides itself on its boundless allegiance to said industry, it’s a very weird look.

What the UCP's reaction to an emissions cap says about their commitment to climate policy — and their willingness to trade the future for the present. @maxfawcett writes for @NatObserver

They’re also showing their hand when it comes to their own recently released climate “plan.” After all, while it mouths the right words about reaching net-zero emissions by 2050, the said plan doesn’t actually lay out any meaningful pathways to get there, much less near-term targets and timelines. It’s the political equivalent of a New Year’s resolution to lose weight or quit smoking at some point within the next two decades, and one that people should take just as seriously.

This issue is no laughing matter, though. The longer Alberta’s oil and gas industry and the politicians running cover for it defer and delay the major investments needed to meaningfully reduce emissions — not just compared to five or 10 years ago, when they were among the highest on Earth, but on a clear path to zero — the less likely it is they’ll actually get there. If you’re a political party that claims to care about the long-term health of your province, managing the energy transition and ensuring Alberta doesn’t get left behind by it should be your top priority.

After all, it’s certainly not the top priority for today’s oil and gas executive class, whose members will be comfortably retired (or, let’s be honest, dead) by the time the bill for their refusal to act comes due. They’ll have long since pulled the rip cords on their golden parachutes and used them to float off to their properties in the Okanagan or Arizona. For a lot of Albertans of a certain age and occupation, slow-rolling this issue is a perfectly rational (if selfish) course of action.

But for anyone with a longer-term commitment to Alberta and its future, the UCP’s willingness to participate in the oil and gas industry’s ongoing filibuster of reality will come at a high price. It will be paid in fewer jobs, less tax revenue and a sea of unreclaimed wells and unremediated tailings ponds that will get left behind by an industry that refuses to clean them up and leaders who ultimately abandoned the province that helped make them rich.

This is what the election is really about: Whether Alberta is ready to face the future or wants to keep pretending it doesn’t exist, and whether it’s willing to mortgage its future in order to continue subsidizing its present.

Yes, there will be arguments about health care, the economy and the records of the respective party leaders. But when we look back on it in five or 10 years, it will be defined by a single choice: did Alberta decide to move ahead with the times or double down on the past?

That’s one question that deserves an honest answer.

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