Skip to main content

Canadians want change. Can Justin Trudeau give it to them?

Can Justin Trudeau be the first prime minister in more than a century to win four elections in a row? To do it, he'll have to make some major changes — before Canadians do the same. Photo by Alex Tétreault

Support strong Canadian climate journalism for 2025

Help us raise $150,000 by December 31. Can we count on your support?
Goal: $150k
$32k

It’s been more than a century since a Canadian prime minister won four elections in a row, but Justin Trudeau seems determined to take a run at Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s record. In order to get there, of course, he’s going to have to find a way to beat Pierre Poilievre (and, sure, Jagmeet Singh). More importantly, he’ll need to satisfy the growing desire for change in Canada without actually changing the government.

It won’t be easy. Most polls have his Liberals solidly behind Poilievre’s Conservatives, and the recent string of ministerial blunders on everything from Paul Bernardo’s status in the prison system to the chaos in Canada’s airports last summer has only added to the impression that Trudeau’s government is getting old and tired. Not surprisingly, a recent Abacus poll showed that 81 per cent of respondents believes it’s time for a change in government.

In more normal circumstances, that would be a death sentence for an incumbent government. But with the ultra-polarizing Poilievre at the helm of the official Opposition, these are not normal times. Abacus’s data bears that out, as almost four in 10 of the pro-change respondents said, “There isn’t a good alternative to Justin Trudeau and the Liberals that I’m comfortable with.” Of those respondents, 33 per cent would vote Liberal, 22 per cent would vote NDP, and 19 per cent would vote Conservative.

The path here for the Liberals seems clear: either they deliver the change Canadians want or Poilievre will do it for them. Since Trudeau has declared his intent to lead the party into the next election, that change will have to come in the form of a major cabinet shuffle, one that fundamentally transforms the face of his government.

This isn’t the time for minor nips and tucks, much less the sort of forced change (the resignations of Jody Wilson-Raybould and Bill Morneau, for example) that has tended to inform previous shuffles by Trudeau’s Liberals. If this government is going to live on for another term in power, it needs to perform some invasive political surgery.

Justin Trudeau wants to be the first prime minister in more than a century to win four elections in a row. In order to do it, he's going to have to make major changes to his government before Canadians get a chance to do it themselves.

It should begin with clearing out the ministers who have either underperformed or flat-out embarrassed the government of late, from Marco Mendocino (public safety) to Mary Ng (international trade) and Ahmed Hussen (housing).

It should also include shuffling out ministers who have been in cabinet for a long time and may have lost the sense of urgency required to win the party’s next big fight. That could include Harjit Sajjan (international development), Joyce Murray (fisheries), Carolyn Bennett (mental health and addictions), and Lawrence MacAulay (veterans affairs). It might even mean encouraging Chrystia Freeland (finance), whose popularity has waned considerably over the last two years, to take that job with NATO that’s been rumoured for a while now.

The new faces in cabinet, meanwhile, should be part of a broader effort to show Canadians what the government intends to do with its next mandate. That might mean adding people with backgrounds in business like Francesco Sorbara, Steve McKinnon or Taleeb Noormohamed (and full disclosure: he’s a close friend of mine). It could mean including one of the former provincial finance ministers in their caucus, whether that’s P.E.I.’s Heath MacDonald or Ontario’s Charles Sousa. And it almost certainly means elevating existing cabinet ministers who have distinguished themselves of late, from Anita Anand (defence) and François-Philippe Champagne (innovation) to Seamus O’Regan (labour) and Randy Boissonnault (tourism).

Perhaps most importantly, Trudeau needs to clearly spell out when and how he’ll leave as leader. For nearly a decade now, the Liberals have benefited from his personal charisma and celebrity; it’s been the wind that helped fill their sails and get them to their destination. But now, that wind has shifted against them, and they’d do well to study the “peek-a-boo” campaign Pierre Trudeau’s team ran in 1980, where Trudeau was all but invisible.

This will almost certainly put noses out of joint within the Liberal family, and maybe even Trudeau’s. But he didn’t win his first majority in 2015 by playing it safe. He did it with a gutsy end-run around Tom Mulcair’s NDP that saw him pledging to use deficits in order to build the things Canadians needed, one that propelled him and his party into power.

If he wants to win another majority, he’s going to have to channel that same energy. Yes, appointing a fresh group of ministers to cabinet and giving them as much leash as possible is risky. But if he wants to cement his place in Canadian political history, playing it safe might be the riskiest move of all.

Comments